VoTa logo constitution for a state

A radically simplified state

The VoTa Constitution (single-page version) outlines a radically simplified model of a state, one made entirely of laws and public services, without politicians or political parties, and with no mechanism for anyone to rule over anyone else. It is voluntary, self‑stabilising, and grounded in strict property rights, the Non‑Aggression Principle (NAP), and the Non‑Discrimination Principle (NDP).

Read the VoTa Summary for a short account of the constitutional rules and their effects on freedom, public services, work, markets, and money.

This overview only scratches the surface. To explore the full model in detail, read the VoTa Princples (single-page version)

Built on property rights and non‑aggression

The rule of law is built directly on property rights: individuals own themselves, their land, and the products of their labour or voluntary exchange. The Non‑Aggression Principle (NAP) protects those rights absolutely by prohibiting force, coercion, and fraud. Because individuals control their own bodies and property, this framework guarantees core civil freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom to buy or not buy from anyone, freedom to sell or not sell to anyone, and the freedom to discriminate in one’s private choices.

The Non‑Discrimination Principle (NDP)

The Non‑Discrimination Principle (NDP) provides additional protection for individuals from the state itself. It forbids any law, service, or regulation from depending on personal characteristics. This collapses legal complexity, eliminates cronyism and preferential treatment, and prevents the tyranny of the majority by ensuring that all state actions apply uniformly to everyone. By removing the ability of democratic processes to target groups or individuals, the NDP resolves the most harmful side‑effects of democracy: factionalism, identity‑based legislation, and the political capture of state power.

How citizens participate

Citizens participate through a flat consumption tax paired with a Universal Basic Income. Each mechanism is often criticised as “unfair to the poor,” yet together they form a system that is unambiguously redistributive: everyone receives the same income floor, and effective tax rates naturally rise with spending. A simple design produces progressive outcomes.

Tax choice replaces political allocation. Tax is not pooled and distributed by majority rule. Instead, each taxpayer directs their own contribution across public services according to their own priorities. When taxpayers act together, they become the most powerful consumers in the economy, unionised consumers with the ability to define contracts, direct funding, and shape the public sector without requiring consensus or conformity.

A competitive, mechanised public‑service economy

Public services are open, modular, and competitive. Thousands of operators can exist, each funded directly by taxpayers. Good services attract funding; bad ones lose it and disappear. This fine‑grained structure prevents concentrations of power, dismantles monopolies, and avoids the drift toward techno‑feudalism seen in centralised systems.

The tax rate in this system acts as a tunable parameter. As it approaches zero, the model converges toward ordinary anarcho‑capitalism: a society of private property, voluntary exchange, and no public sector beyond what citizens choose to fund. As it approaches one hundred percent, the system does not collapse into central planning or resemble communism; instead, it becomes a competitive, decentralised public‑service economy where private operators still earn profits, property rights remain absolute, and taxpayers continue to direct all funding. The constitution remains stable across this entire spectrum.

The state itself is highly mechanised. It runs an idealised monetary system on a high‑performance open‑source distributed network. The money supply is fixed; banks cannot create money when they extend credit, reducing booms and busts. The state does not borrow or lend. Even public services use credit only to the extent that their private‑sector operators do.

Despite the extensive public sector, the underlying economy is a pure free market: private ownership, profit and loss, and no taxation or regulation on producers. Yet producers remain accountable, because they must compete for the funding of unionised taxpayers, or be crowded out by better alternatives.

Paradoxes resolved by the design

This model resolves several deep paradoxes that conventional political systems cannot: